Field Report Final

This semester, I have learned that culture is not only something we experience through language, but something we live through behavior, space, and unspoken norms. Through some of my field observations.  Memorial Stadium, Java Haute, the Student Recreation Center, and Chick-fil-A, I discovered that everyday spaces reveal powerful lessons about identity, routine, and communication.These observations, challenged me to rethink what communication looks like and where it happens.

Field Observation Report: Memorial Stadium (ISU)

On game days, Memorial Stadium becomes a key part of school spirit and community. Tailgating is a popular tradition for fans, such as setting up blue and white tents, cooking food, and playing music from country to upbeat hype music. Many people are participating in other games such as bags and have ISU flags flying outside their tents, wearing gear associated with ISU. The marching band adds energy to the stadium by performing near the main gate before marching down to the stadium and playing the fight song and spirited songs during the game. Additionally, the students and fans also exhibit Sycamore pride and originality in their outfits as people wear everything from face paint, blue wigs, glitter, and clothing bandwidth blue-and-white ISU logo. Cheer pies might even hear the students standing or cheerleaders inserting the chants of “Go Sycamores!” fans will chant throughout the stadium during festivities. Students will mostly peer to aspects of the stadium with other students in the designated student section with families and alumni, and alumni will even wear older ISU gear as a form of connection and pride to show that past affiliation with ISU. Beyond the athletic events, Memorial Stadium is used as a heads-and-speed gathering spot for others in the surrounding community. On game days without games, users might be a mixed bag composed of college students out for a jog and older individuals walking dogs, and families who might be attending youth sports practices or community events. Memorial Stadium has hosted 5k races, community youth football games, and celebrations designated for certain seasons. Typically, these events are planned with rituals of opening speeches, either a collective -stretching ritual or national anthems, and inclusivity is baked within the programming through public access, sports signage in many languages, and clear, well directed, and maintained ADA-accessible sidewalks. Many family-oriented events, the involvement of parents and children, taking part in volunteering to set up and children are fully engaged through many games and races. Local sponsoring clubs and sponsors are often found supporting events as well in many cases involve the organization of family-oriented events, reinforcing a collective mindset of how events can take place within Memorial Stadium as a community space.

When we refer to culture it can also entail depth. Between current ISU attributes and values of being rooted in tradition, ownership of innovation, and standing at the foot of the community, the programming at Memorial Stadium exemplifies these cultural beliefs in action. Memorial Stadium was built in 1924, circa was established in 1967, and it served as the first University to install Astroturf in the venue. Consequently, the Memorial Stadium has continued to improve spaces by adding FieldTurf in 2018, as well as recently renovating the locker rooms. The design of Memorial Stadium allows for engagement of participants as fans walk through the main gate to access the stadium and main public square, which are food vendors, merchandise tents, gathering points etc. When a student's group appears in the south end of the stadium, alumni and other family members gather mainly in the mid and upper sections. In various parts of the Memorial stadium, there are plaques, and banners, however during the game all fans can reminisce in historic players and games. As fans, you might see a large Sycamore tree emblem at the mid-field area surrounded by symbolic Maryland flags that are all reminders of school pride. The opportunities of reflecting on a culture of respect, tradition, and growth: are all things memorial stadium shares at many levels.

Extra Thoughts on Previous Places

Java Haute: 

My visit to Java Haute revealed a rich blend of public and private communication. One man sat alone with headphones and a laptop, silently signaling focus and isolation, while a nearby group of girls chatted and laughed openly, creating a vibrant social atmosphere. This dual use of the same space reminded me of Edward T. Hall’s (1966) concept of proxemics and the way physical space reflects and shapes social relationships.

Ray Oldenburg (1999) refers to coffee shops as “third places,” spaces that are neither home nor work, but offer a neutral ground for social interaction and community belonging. Java Haute functions in this way. It invites people into routines that become cultural rituals, sitting in the same seat, ordering the same drink, engaging with familiar baristas. This aligns with Geertz’s (1973) notion of “thick description,” where mundane behavior like drinking coffee can represent deeper social practices and values when examined closely.

Student Recreation Center: Communication Through the Body Lanaguage

At the Student Rec Center, the primary mode of communication was nonverbal. A man lifting weights alone appeared highly focused, communicating intensity and independence through body language. Nearby, two girls lifted together in sync, encouraging each other through facial expressions and coordinated movement. These observations showed that in fitness spaces, bodies become the language used to communicate support, discipline, or focus.

The basketball court added another layer of communication, filled with laughter, verbal cues, and shared rhythm. Here, sport acted as a cultural performance where trust, competition, and community were built without explicit explanation. This aligns with the understanding that culture is performative and embodied it is something we do, not just talk about. Nonverbal communication is central to Hall’s theory (1966), and observing these interactions confirmed that even without words, we can express values like teamwork, confidence, and social identity.

Chick-fil-A: Scripts, Efficiency, and Ritual

Chick-fil-A offered a sharp contrast to the previous two settings. Here, communication was guided by politeness, efficiency, and repetition. Employees consistently responded with “my pleasure,” a scripted phrase that reflects the company’s emphasis on courteous service. This ritualized language reminded me of how corporations use language to convey culture, and how individuals adopt these scripts as part of their roles.

Geertz (1973) emphasizes that culture is a system of shared symbols and meanings. In this fast-paced environment, people from staff to customers are engaged in a well rehearsed script that reflected values like order, respect, and professionalism. Even a woman in scrubs eating alone communicated something, perhaps her rushed pace revealed norms around time, health care work, or personal routine. In all, the culture here was clear, consistent, and communicated more through behavior and context than through dialogue.

Lessons Learned: Awareness and Reflexivity

Before this assignment, I often thought of cultural communication in terms of different languages or international travel. But these field experiences, framed by readings from Hall and Geertz, helped me realize that culture is deeply embedded in my everyday life. Observing how people move through shared spaces, how they follow social cues, and how they use silence or ritual to communicate made me more attuned to the nuances of nonverbal and contextual communication.

I also learned that observation is an interpretive act. What looks like ordinary behavior becomes meaningful when approached with curiosity and the right theoretical lens. By applying course concepts like proxemics, nonverbal communication, and symbolic ritual, I was able to uncover the cultural depth in each of these spaces. Most importantly, I learned that I, too, contribute to culture through my routines, preferences, and behaviors whether I’m getting drinks at a coffee shop, working out, or ordering food.

This reflection has also made me more aware of the assumptions that I take to different physical spaces. For example, I came to the conclusion that I often take the structure and flow of coffee shops and gyms for granted and assume that everyone experiences those spaces in the same way as I do. However, fieldwork offered me some level of strangeness (or, at least, discomfort) which prompted me to consider how race, gender, class, or even mood could impact a person's experience in these spaces in a unique way. Being reflexive and turning the lens back to myself  prompted me to reflect on how my background, tendencies, and positionally shape not only how I understand others' behaviors, but how I participate in the surrounding cultural landscape.

Conclusion

These observations taught me that communication is not just about what we say—it is also how we act, how we relate to space, and how we participate in shared rituals. Everyday environments like Java Haute, the Rec Center, and Chick-fil-A are not just functional spaces; they are cultural stages where we perform identity, community, and meaning. Through thick description and intentional observation, I’ve come to appreciate the complexity and richness of communication in everyday life.

References

Geertz, C. (1973). The interpretation of cultures: Selected essays. Basic Books.

Hall, E. T. (1966). The hidden dimension. Anchor Books.

Oldenburg, R. (1999). The great good place: Cafés, coffee shops, bookstores, bars, hair salons, and other hangouts at the heart of a community (3rd ed.). Marlowe & Company.